State election in Saxony-Anhalt: Who has more faith in the people?

The election manifestos for the state election on 6 September 2026 in the German state of Saxony-Anhalt reflect differing views on citizen participation. Whilst the Greens, the SPD, The Left, BSW and Volt wish to strengthen citizens’ assemblies or similar bodies, other parties are focusing primarily on referendums. The CDU and FDP, by contrast, see less need for new participatory bodies.
A Citizens’ Assembly brings together citizens selected by lottery. They inform themselves about a political issue, consult with experts and draw up recommendations. Unlike in a referendum, they do not, as a rule, make a binding decision. The parties’ assessments of this instrument vary considerably.
The Greens: Citizens’ assemblies as a permanent addition
The Greens have taken a clear stance. They want to establish citizens’ assemblies alongside participatory budgeting, youth parliaments and digital participation formats, whilst at the same time lowering the barriers to citizens’ initiatives and referendums.
Mini-publics are intended to complement parliamentary democracy. They are to “draw up recommendations that must be taken into account by political decision-makers”. The random selection process is also intended to include people who would otherwise be little involved in politics.
In early 2026, the Greens attempted to enshrine citizens’ assemblies in law. However, the draft bill was rejected by the CDU and SPD.
SPD, The Left and BSW in favour of citizens’ assemblies
The SPD also supports citizens’ assemblies. The party has further announced plans to lower the thresholds for citizens’ initiatives and referendums in order to further develop direct democracy.
The Left also links citizens’ assemblies with the expansion of direct democracy and citizen participation. Citizens should not only be able to offer advice, but also find it easier to launch their own political initiatives. “Regional forums, citizens’ assemblies at all levels, workshop discussions in affected communities, citizens’ budgets, participatory budgeting and participatory projects will receive support and financial backing,” the party promises. The thresholds for referendums and citizens’ initiatives are to be lowered.
The BSW advocates “regular citizens’ assemblies at state and local level, which are composed of a representative cross-section of the population and draw up recommendations on key issues for the future”. The thresholds for referendums and citizens’ initiatives are to be lowered “to make political participation truly accessible”. At local level, participatory budgeting and local referendums are to be expanded through financial grants, and the thresholds lowered.
CDU and FDP: Strengthening existing institutions
The CDU does not call for a state-wide expansion of mini-publics. It places greater trust in parliaments and local councils, arguing that citizens’ assemblies are possible even without a specific state law.
Nor does the FDP make citizens’ assemblies a central plank of its programme. Among other things, it focuses on youth parliaments and youth advisory councils and questions whether new bodies actually offer any added value compared to existing forms of participation.
AfD: Referendums instead of citizens’ assemblies
The AfD focuses primarily on direct democracy. It wants to strengthen citizens’ initiatives, referendums and plebiscites.
This sets it fundamentally apart from the mini-public model: in a Citizens’ Assembly, a group selected by lottery deliberates and makes recommendations; in a referendum, the entire electorate decides directly.
Citizens’ assemblies and referendums are not mutually exclusive
Citizens’ assemblies and referendums fulfil different functions and therefore need not be seen as competing models. The Citizens’ Assembly deliberates; the referendum decides. Both instruments can complement one another.
One possible procedure would be to first establish a Citizens’ Assembly. Randomly selected citizens would engage intensively with a complex political issue, consult experts, weigh up different arguments and subsequently formulate recommendations. These recommendations could be incorporated into the political decision-making process.
Referendum on mini-public recommendations
In the case of particularly important or controversial issues, the entire population could then vote on the proposed solution. The Citizens’ Assembly would thus not take the place of the sovereign, but rather create an informed basis for decision-making in a referendum. In this way, for example, the project ‘Klima trifft Kommune’ (Climate meets local government) by Mehr Demokratie and the Gesellschaft für Klima und Demokratie (Society for Climate and Democracy) links citizens’ juries on climate action with referendums on their proposals. One of the project’s participating local authorities is Osterburg in Saxony-Anhalt.
The reverse approach is also conceivable: a referendum could first clarify whether a particular political change is desired in principle. A Citizens’ Assembly could then develop concrete proposals for its implementation. In this way, the population would determine the political direction, whilst a body selected by lot would help to draw up a viable solution. This was the approach taken, for example, during the planning for the development of the Bürgerspital site in Amberg.
Difference in function
The key difference therefore lies in their function: citizens’ assemblies strengthen the consultative and deliberative dimension of democracy, whilst referendums reinforce citizens’ direct decision-making power. A combination of both instruments can be particularly useful when dealing with complex political issues: first inform and weigh up the options, then decide.
Such interaction refutes the frequently posed ‘either/or’ question. Citizens’ assemblies are not necessarily in competition with parliament or direct democracy. Rather, they can form a bridge between representative and direct democracy.
Other parties
Volt pursues a particularly comprehensive approach. Citizens’ assemblies are combined with digital participation initiatives, greater transparency and stronger local involvement. For Volt, they form part of a broader concept of modern, participatory democracy.
The Freie Wähler (Free Voters) want to develop practical solutions together with citizens rather than imposing them ‘from above’. ‘Politics should not take place in an ivory tower, but in constant dialogue with the public,’ states their election manifesto. The barriers to referendums and citizens’ initiatives are to be lowered.
DieBasis (TheBasic) also advocates greater citizen participation, but sees this primarily as direct decision-making by citizens rather than citizen assemblies selected by lottery.
The Tierschutzallianz (Animal Welfare Alliance) calls for more direct citizen participation, in particular by making it easier to initiate citizens’ petitions, local referendums and national referendums. It does not call for citizen assemblies in the strict sense.
The Partei des Fortschritts (Party of Progress), too, focuses primarily on referendums and binding public dialogues.
Laboratory for participation
In Germany, around 450 citizens’ assemblies had taken place by August 2026. Saxony-Anhalt accounted for only eleven of these. There is therefore still plenty of room for improvement here.
The sociologist Prof. Steffen Mau had already proposed in 2024 that eastern Germany be turned into a ‘laboratory for participation’. He is banking on the introduction and strengthening of citizens’ assemblies. Whether this idea will fall on fertile ground in Saxony-Anhalt will be decided on 6 September.
Note: This article was written with the help of AI.